Eritrea Seeks Greater Regional Control Of Red Sea Security
Eritrea is renewing its push for a Red Sea and Gulf of Aden security framework in which regional coastal states assume greater responsibility for protecting their strategic maritime environment. Information Minister Yemane Gebremeskel has reiterated Asmara’s 12-point proposal, which places the sovereignty, “ownership and agency” of littoral states at the centre of regional security cooperation. The framework calls on countries bordering the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden to strengthen their own defence and naval capabilities while establishing mechanisms for coordinated responses to shared threats. As reported by Addis Standard, via The Eastleigh Voice, Eritrea’s position seeks to ensure that regional security arrangements remain grounded in the interests and authority of the states most directly connected to the maritime corridor.
The proposal represents a broader emphasis on building regional capacity rather than relying primarily on outside military actors. Eritrea’s framework calls for a common assessment of threats, coordinated action and stronger national defence institutions, while allowing for cooperation with external forces where regional countries collectively lack the capacity to address particular challenges. Such cooperation, however, would be expected to operate through a consensual regional framework and in accordance with national sovereignty and international law. For Eritrea, this approach links maritime security with the ability of Red Sea states to develop the capabilities and institutions necessary to protect their territorial waters and economic interests.
The renewed call comes as the Red Sea and Horn of Africa remain central to debates over maritime security, trade routes and regional strategic influence, and as Ethiopia continues to press for direct Red Sea access — a dispute that has sharpened alignments among littoral states and added urgency to Eritrea’s sovereignty-first framing. Eritrea’s position places the question of who should shape the security architecture of the Red Sea at the centre of that debate. Greater regional ownership could strengthen the capacity of littoral states to define security priorities according to their own interests, but achieving such a framework would require sustained coordination among countries with different strategic priorities. Eritrea’s proposal therefore contributes to an ongoing discussion about building a security order in which African and Arab coastal states have a more decisive role in determining the future of one of the world’s most important maritime corridors.
